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Sunday, February 5, 2012

NGDP

Real Time Economics:

This helps explain why nominal gross domestic product — that is, total GDP without inflation stripped out – has wound up at the center of a debate over how, and whether, the Federal Reserve can do more to stimulate the U.S. economy and lower the nation’s current 9.1% unemployment rate.
The problem boils down to the Fed’s current dual – or in fact, triple – mandate from Congress. Here is the entire wording of the Fed’s mandate, which falls under Section 2A of the Federal Reserve Act.
The Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System and the Federal Open Market Committee shall maintain long run growth of the monetary and credit aggregates commensurate with the economy’s long run potential to increase production, so as to promote effectively the goals of maximum employment, stable prices, and moderate long-term interest rates.
It is this last part which is at the heart of today’s policy debate. In theory, and in the long run, it should be consistent for the Fed to conduct monetary policy in a way that promotes a healthy economy marked by maximum employment, stable prices, and moderate long-term interest rates. But that is little help at a time like now, when the Fed is roughly meeting the latter two objectives but falling well short on the first; that is, on reaching anything close to “maximum” or full employment, typically defined as something like an unemployment rate of 5% (though many think today, for various reasons including demographic ones, this rate is now closer to 7%). ...
The beauty of the NGDP target, as proponents see it, is that it doesn’t differentiate between inflation and real GDP. So it doesn’t matter whether the gap is closed by three parts inflation and one part real GDP or one part inflation and three parts real GDP. The point is that the gap gets closed, because the Fed is able to be as aggressive as it needs to be, and the economy avoids a prolonged slump and chronically high unemployment a la the Great Depression. And by targeting NGDP, or a stated goal for the total size of the economy, instead of a 3% or 5% inflation rate, the Fed is better able to avoid the backlash that might otherwise undermine its ability to achieve said objective.
But would this really work? Now that NGDP is getting serious attention, this question becomes all the more important. Below, a (very abbreviated) round-up of the debate. Best to get up to speed as much as possible now, as it is only likely to gain momentum from here.
Further reading on NGDP targeting:
Scott Sumner’s work.
The Goldman note.
–Karl Smith, “NGDP Targeting in Real Life
–Interfluidity: “The Moral Case for NGDP Targeting” (with links to many others, including Paul Krugman and Brad DeLong, on this issue)
Bill Woolsey, emphasizing the monetarist position that underlies an NGDP target.
Heard on the Street: Inflated Expectations for Economic Fix (and Sumner’s response here.)
–Free Exchange: Understanding NGDP Targeting

The moral case for NGDP targeting

The last few weeks have seen high-profile endorsements of having the Federal Reserve target a nominal GDP path. (See Paul Krugman, Brad DeLong, Jan Hatzius and colleagues at Goldman Sachs.) This is a huge victory for the “market monetarists”, a group that includes Scott Sumner, Nick Rowe, David Beckworth, Josh Hendrickson, Bill Woolsey, Marcus Nunes, Niklas Blanchard, David Glasner, Kantoos, and Lars Christensen....
Here I want to join the market monetarists’ happy dance, and point out several moral benefits of NGDP targeting.
  • The most plain moral benefit of NGDP targeting is that it is activist. Relative to the status quo, it demands a serious effort to combat the miseries of depression. This is a big improvement over our current strategy, which is to shrug off and rationalize mass deprivation and idleness.
  • A second moral benefit is that under (successful) NGDP targeting, any depressions that occur will be inflationary depressions. Ideally, we’ll find that once we stabilize the path of NGDP, the business cycle is conquered and there will be no more depressions ever again. But that probably won’t happen. If depressions occur even while the NGDP path is stabilized, then they will reflect some failure of supply or technology. Our aggregate investment choices will have proved misguided, or we will have encountered insuperable obstacles to carrying wealth forward in time. It is creditors, not debtors, whom we must hold accountable for patterns of aggregate investment. There always have been and always will be foolish or predatory borrowers willing to accept loans that they will not repay. We rely upon discriminating creditors to ensure that funds and resources will be placed in hands that will use them well. Creditors allocate capital by selecting the worthy from innumerable unworthy petitioners. An economic downturn reflects a failure of selection by creditors as a group. It is essential, if we want the high-quality real investment in good times, that creditors bear losses when they allocate funds poorly. When creditors in aggregate have misjudged, we must have some means of imposing losses without the logistical hell of endless bankruptcies. Our least disruptive means of doing so is via inflation....
    In fact, NGDP targeting, despite the stench of sugar-high money games that Austrians perceive in it, might actually increase our ability to impose losses on foolish creditors via default and bankruptcy. This would pay a huge moral dividend, in terms of our ability to avoid the unfairness of arbitrary bail-outs. Both Nick Rowe and Scott Sumner have suggested to me that if we had sufficiently aggressive monetary stabilization, we could avoid acquiescing to “emergency” rescues that flamboyantly reward bad actors, because allowing bad actors to collapse would no longer threaten the rest of us. Rajiv Sethi has made a similar point:
    The main justification for these extraordinary measures in support of the financial sector was that perfectly solvent firms in the non-financial sector would have been crippled by the freezing of the commercial paper market. But as Dean Baker has consistently argued, had the Fed’s intervention in the commercial paper market been more timely and vigorous, it might been unnecessary to provide unconditional transfers to insolvent financial intermediaries....
     In constrast to an inflation-targeting central bank, an NGDP-targeting central bank need not distort the division of income between capital and labor. Under current practice, the Fed tends to encourage asset price inflation but worries frenetically over any growth in unit labor costs, or, equivalently, labor’s share of income. Labor share of income has been collapsing since about 1970.

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